Thailand has long been seen as a safe haven for Cambodians fleeing persecution under the Hun regime. Home to over 60% of Khmer migrants worldwide, Thailand’s history of sheltering refugees and its democratic score – more than double that of Cambodia – have cemented its reputation as a refuge. Against this backdrop, it’s easy to understand why Lim Kimya and his wife felt secure visiting Bangkok.

Kimya’s life was defined by his fight for democracy in Cambodia. As a former MP for the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), he pushed for better democratic practices. But in 2017, after the CNRP almost won the election, ousting the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), the party was disbanded by the courts. After the dissolution of CNRP, Kimya, along with 117 others, were banned from political activities for five years, faced false treason charges and were relentlessly targeted. The ban, due to be lifted in 2023, remains in place for those, like Kimya, who refused to admit guilt and defect to the ruling CPP. 

In the weeks leading up to Kimya’s death, he had been vocal about issues surrounding the Cambodian government and the Hun regime, including denouncing the burning of a picture of the King during New Year’s celebrations–an act regarded by many as an ominous sign. On the day of Kimya’s assassination, former Prime Minister–and father of current Prime Minister–Hun Sen, called for opposition groups to be treated as terrorists, and warned they should expect “hell”. Hours later, Kimya was killed.

His murder is the latest in a string of actions by the Cambodian government to suppress dissent, at home and abroad. While the government continues to claim the extradition of his killer shows their innocence, those with ties to the government–including Ly Ratanakrasmey, advisor to Hun Sen and orchestrator of the assassination–are yet to face any justice and remain safe behind Cambodia’s borders. Politically motivated assassinations in Cambodia –such as high-profile killing of Kem Ley in 2016–are unfortunately not uncommon, but actions against exiled dissidents had, until now, been limited to deportations, arrests and occasional beatings. 

Last year, a Cambodian maid living in Malaysia was deported and arrested because of a Facebook post which criticised the government. Award-winning journalist, Mech Dara, was incarcerated for his reporting of human rights abuses in Cambodia, which the government claimed was false and incited disorder. Others faced threats to their family due to their political activism; in the case of Vanna Hay, his brother was arrested, facing fabricated charges which were dropped immediately following Vanna’s own ‘confession’ and switch to support the CPP. This cycle of intimidation is one many opposition members are familiar with–intimidation and threats against them and their family, pressuring them into compliance or face imprisonment–or worse. 

In recent years, Thailand has begun bending to the will of Hun Sen. In 2024, six adult refugees who were part of the disbanded CNRP, including a five-year-old child, were forcibly returned to Cambodia . Earlier in the year, three Khmer human rights defenders were arrested along with their families in Thailand. Similar stories occurred in 2023, with some opposition members even being beaten on the streets of Rayong and Pattaya. The list goes on. The Cambodian government’s growing impunity, combined with Thailand’s willingness to comply, has turned refuge into a gamble.

As Thailand takes its seat on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), the expectations for the next three years are clear: it must step up, as a defender of human rights both within and beyond its borders. This includes taking a firm stance against acts of transnational aggression on its soil.

The Thai government must also marry actions with its words –fully enforcing the International Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance, which it ratified in May; committing to investigating and prosecuting those responsible for assaults and assassinations in their territory; denying requests from the Cambodian government to detain and forcibly return those fleeing political persecution; and to enforce sanctions under the Magnitsky Act against those responsible for the corruption in Cambodia. 

But the Thai government cannot address this issue alone; it needs support and will be looking to the new US administration for backing in this regard. The looming appointment of Marco Rubio, a known advocate of human rights enforcement and democratic safeguarding in Southeast Asia, as Secretary of State, will not be lost on the Thai administration. 

With Rubio’s backing, the US intends to revive two bills, the Cambodian Democracy and Human Rights Act and the Transnational Repression Policy Act, which will hold the Hun regime to account for their brazenness, both at home and abroad. These measures are the kind of decisive actions Thailand should be looking to mirror as a UNHRC member.

In killing Lim Kimya, the Hun Sen’s regime has shown blatant disregard for human rights and sovereign borders. Thailand, as it seeks to reform its image on the international stage and reaffirm its commitment to justice, must end forced repatriations, arrests, and attacks on refugees and those in exile. 

To remain silent is to enable the erosion of human rights and the rise of transnational repression in the region.

Samady Ou is a Cambodian youth activist, Human Rights Foundation Freedom Fellow, and Youth Ambassador for the Khmer Movement for Democracy.